A Historian's view of Azerbaijan Today: An Interview with The Tadeusz Swietochowski

by "Caspian Crossroads"

Tadeusz Swietochowski is a Professor at Monmouth College (N.Y.) and the author of "Russia and Azerbaijan: Borderland in Transition,"  (Columbia University Press, 1995).

Q: Your new book on Azerbaijan in the last two centuries has just been published.  What are the leading themes  of this book, and what do  you consider to be the  basic  events of  Azerbaijani history?

A: This book provides a historical perspective of the geopolitics of Azerbaijan. Like the rest of  Transcaucasia, Azerbaijan was geographically and historically a part of the Middle East. Not until the  early 19th century did its territory  north the Araz River passed under Russian rule. I see this moment  as a turning point Azerbaijans history, not only on the one, but on  both sides of the border, as Russia  became the chief geopolitical fact  for Iranian Azerbaijan, and extended its influence there.

Q: In your opinion, how did  Russia exercise its rule over Azerbaijan?

A: During the past two centuries, under Tsardom and the Soviet regime alike Azerbaijan oscillated  among three models of Russian rule: rule by dependency, colonial rule, and provincial rule. Each of  these models was related to the  stakes that Russia had in the  Transcausasian Region and the resources it was willing to commit.  Rule by dependency reflected almost exclusively on Russia's strategic interests as the corridor for penetration into Iran and a position outflanking Turkey. In practical terms, it amounted to the bare minimum of expenditure of funds and  manpower, which meant that the government, administrative, and  judicial powers were all left in the  native hands, that the khanate (principality) system remained essentially unchanged. In the first three  decades of the 19th century, Russian control was based on foreign  relations with the khanates and the maintenance of military bases. The  next intermediate stage was colonial rule, a term used by Tsarist officials, who wished to make Transcaucasia what East India was for Britain. Colonial rule entailed  the removal of native rulers, who  were replaced by khanates selected  by the Russian administration. Yet  the middle echelon personnel remained solidly native, and the region was given a special status- the Viceroyalty of the Caucasus. There were hardly any attempts at cultural assimilation. In fact, the Viceroyalty equally encouraged the growth of native literature and the press. Yet, thereafter, we witness  a resettlement of the population notably the Armenians from Iran and Turkey -which is widely regarded as the mainstay of Russian domination. This semi-autonomous  form of control, implicitly recognizing geographic, ethnic, and cultural distinctiveness, was the prevalent  pattern of Russian rule. Its forms were not only the Vice royalty in the mid-l9th century and after 1905,  but also the Soviet Transcaucasian  Federation in existence from 1922  to 1936.

The third, and from the standpoint of the Center the most advanced form of control was "Organic Incorporation" which occurred under Tsardom, also known as "Merger" (Slyanie) during the Soviet rule. This policy was aimed at obliteration of distinctions between Russia and Azerbaijan. Russian laws education, and cultural assimilation promoted and promulgated the influx of settlers from Russia, mainly to the city of Baku. There followed sizable investments,  but calculated for the quick return of capital. The resulting industrialization was lopsided based on the oil extraction, rather than manufacturing. Chronologically,  these were  the periods after the Great Reforms of the 1860's and 1870's lasting until 1905, and from the mid-1930's  to the end of the Khrushchev rule.

Q: How was the Russian empire in Azerbaijan altered on the eve of decolonization?

A: By the 1980's each of the  three policies was a spent force,  with no alternative. At the same time, from Russia's viewpoint. the premises for devolution of its imperial possessions all fell into place as the law of diminishing returns  took affect. With regard to  Azerbaijan these premises were as  follows:
1) Depletion of easily accessible oil resources, with production falling to merely 3% of the Soviet Union's total;
2) Population  growth, unrelieved by emigration or  assimilation on any large scale;
3) Chronic unemployment, at an estimated 25% would force the flow of  monetary funds from Russia to  Azerbaijan. not the other way  around, thus undermining the very  raison d'être of colonialism;
4) Consolidation of native elites, both in the form of the nomenklatura and  its main contender, the intelligentsia willing and able to take over a  larger share of the rule over  Azerbaijan; and
5) Growing ethnic tensions between the Azerbaijanis and Armenians the more so that Azerbaijan had ceased to be the land of the oil-fueled opportunity, with Russia forced to assume the burden of a peace-keeper.

Q: How would you describe the  condition of the Azerbaijani community during the collapse of the Soviet nationalities?

A: The collapse of the Soviet  nationalities policies coincided with a specifically Azerbaijani process of  social mobilization; for many years there were hardly any signs of dissident movement among the intellectuals, yet the masses were probably more aroused than elsewhere in the USSR and this came about  through the reverberations from across the border with Iran a revolution had taken place which  the Azerbaijani nomenclature and the intelligentsia viewed with horror. Many Azerbaijanis, however, understood its message as a warning to the alien or alienated elites everywhere: enough experiments on  the living bodies of nations.

In the eyes of some, the revolution that engulfed such a distant and unrelated country as Poland of  the Solidarity period would assume a somewhat similar character in the USSR within a short time. From  Poland, this revolution spread to other parts of Eastern Europe, until, finally, the disintegration of the  Soviet regime occurred.

There was a second element of the political awakening on the eve of independence; the outbreak of the Nagorno-Karabakh: conflict a product of the long and devious colonial "divide and rule" policy. As much as the Iranian revolution had appealed to the Shiite masses in the countryside. the Karabakh conflict stirred up the secular-minded intelligentsia committed to the idea of an Azerbaijani nation-state. They  could be inspired by the memories of such a state that had been in existence during the Civil War in  Russia in 1918-1920. Yet, in 1989, from the ranks of the intelligentsia emerged the People's Front of  Azerbaijan, a dynamic-if loosely structured-movement. The Front was like a poorly armed and badly  organized army which was loosing  almost every battle yet the war kept turning in its favor: within less  than a year of the dissolution of the USSR the Front headed by Abulfaz Elchibay took over power in  Azerbaijan.

Q: What were the circumstances of taking over power from  the well entrenched, ex-communist  regime of Ayaz Mutalibov?

A: Behind the scenes at this  time, there loomed the disastrous Nagorno-Karabakh War. The  Azerbaijanis had to learn that the readiness for warfare is an attribute of independence and the army is a crucial state institution. The Elchibay regime was able to take over the power legally in democratic elections, but it was unable  to turn around the situation at the battlefields-which was going from bad to worse. Simply put, a secular regime was leading a war that seemed to assume the character of a religious conflict in resemblance to Lebanon, Bosnia. or Afghanistan. Nor was tile intelligentsia able to run the newly-independent state without assistance from the ex-Soviet nomenklatura. In foreign policy, Elchibay's regime put much of its hopes in Turkey-and behind  Turkey, it was believed, stood the  U.S. Elchibay also became distrusted by the Iranian government over his concern about Iranian Azerbaijanis. All the same, the People's Front government could  claim its credit by tackling the fundamental issue of national wealth,  for the first time by-passing Moscow in its dealings with Western oil companies. In such a way, a new  dimension in Azerbaijan s political situation was introduced-the politics of oil.

Q:  Would Moscow support  Baku's acts of by-passing its authority?

A:  All indications were that  Moscow's displeasure with the  Azerbaijani oil deal loomed behind  the June 1993 military coup that brought down Elchibay and in the  end. returned Haidar Aliyev to  power. The event was seen as Russia reasserting its claims to the geopolitical space of the Near Abroad, a form of reviving the Empire. In  fad, one of Aliyev's first steps was  to bring Azerbaijan back to the CIS. Aliyev, however, gave Russia only a small share in the international oil consortium; this was interpreted as  Islamic revival-both at home and  in the neighboring countries of the  Middle East.

Q: What is your opinion of the  post-Elchibay Azerbaijani condition?

A: In the past two years, the situation in Azerbaijan still appeal's to be complex. The former  nomenklatura is fragmented, and  no longer serves as an effective political force. But the same appears  to be true of the opposition parties. As for the return of Russia the question is in what form and to what  extent. The factors which had worked for decolonization still remain. and there is no prospect of  turning Azerbaijan into a colony or province of Russia or reviving the merger policy. There are, however,  speculations about the status of dependency, resembling the pattern of  the early 19th century, But even  this model may well be beyond  Russia's capabilities at the present.  The main issue for now is oil politics. Although Russia seems to have had a hand in the two recent attempts at dislodging Aliyev, it does not have the capability to invalidate the oil deal to replace Western companies. or to launch a costly off-shore extraction of oil. Russia's preference is to exert its influence by controlling the oil routes to foreign markets. Hence the pipeline warfare: the most recent aspect of  the regional turmoil. In brief, the present situation is viewed as the Novorossiysk but in the long term the oil politics and pipeline will by-pass Russia, and will likely travel  through Georgia and Turkey.

Q: From your perspective as a  historian, what does the future hold  for Azerbaijan?

A: An empire does not die easily. especially if its sits astride the  geopolitical center of the world  mass, and the relationship of forces  evokes the image of a shark among  sardines. But while the pendulum  swings back, it does not return to  the same point. Soviet colonialism  was totalitarian, the resurgent Russian neo-imperialism is of a different quality: more than ever before,  Moscow's concern is to secure practice, this amounts to leaving a wide margin for trade, investments,  travel, political, cultural, and religious contacts with the countries  of the Middle East.

The historical process of the  return to the Middle East will, no doubt, develop in conditions of conflict and instability, both internal  and external. Still, Azerbaijan, by  its political tradition, is the country in the region most inclined toward moderation and compromise. As Muslims, its inhabitants are least nationalistically minded of the  peoples of Transcaucasia. These qualities of the Azerbaijani political make-up, combined with their  numbers and potential wealth,  make Azerbaijan a spot with  brighter prospects in the none-too-cheerful context of the region.

 

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