Abstract and Summary:



This thesis examines Libyan-American relations from the Libyan

revolution in September 1969 to the Lockerbie affair. This relationship

is complex and is characterised by conflict and mistrust on both sides.

However, this relationship has passed through distinct periods which can

be described as testing; accommodation, and reconciliation. 

         This study seeks to explore the nature of Libyan-American

relations and analyses the causes of their conflict. It is a critical

study and highlights the main and fundamental aspects of the conflict:

ideology and Qaddafi's leadership. These two factors have in turn been

influenced by the historical experience of Libya which was one of

Western domination alongside attempts by Libyan nationalists to break

free from such domination. The heroic leadership of Libyan political

leaders, war heroes and the ideology of Nasserism had a substantial

influence on Qaddafi's view and policy towards the West in general and

America in particular. Qaddafi's attempts to put Libya onto the world

stage led this research to examine state power, position and role in

world politics in order to establish whether Libya's capabilities -

measurable capabilities - played a primary role in establishing the

course of Libyan international relations. Measurable capabilities are

explored in comparison to Libya's neighbours and other Middle Eastern

actors. It was also necessary to examine how far immeasurable power

capabilities such as Qaddafi's Leadership in terms of charisma and

popularity and his ideology were factors in the determination of Libyan

power. One particular feature of this thesis is that it has attempted to

analyse the quality of Qaddafi's leadership and has set out to establish

whether Qaddafi has been a charismatic or a popular leader or both or

whether his real power lies in the structure of Libyan power in the 'era

of masses'.

         The study explores Libyan ideology and its implementation: Arab

unity, Islam, neutrality and non-alignment are fully examined and

critically studied. The concept of Libyan Arab unity, Qaddafi's

continuous effort to seek Arab unity and his experiences had an impact

upon the direction that Libyan foreign relations have taken over many

decades. The other part of Libyan ideology, Islam, has been radically

incorporated into Libyan foreign policy to the extent that America

identified it with danger. In addition, the policies of neutrality and

non-alignment are progressively studied in connection with Libyan-Soviet

relations. Thus, the study focuses on Libya's balanced neutrality

between national interests and ideology. The thesis also examines the

means of Libyan ideology: oil and armaments. Oil is analysed as an

instrument for power. Through oil prices increases and bargaining with

oil companies, Libya asserted a status and leverage in its relations

with the West. However, oil has not been only a power to Libya, America

has sought to exert pressure on Libyan oil capability by imposing

unilateral sanctions. Similarly, Libyan armaments and military policy

have been radically applied. The stockpile of military hardware and

exporting of arms to anti-American radical countries and national

liberation movements played an important role in the deterioration of

Libyan-American relations. However, the major cause of American alarm

was Qaddafi's support of radical groups world-wide, Idi Amin and

military involvement in Chad. The reasons for Libyan military

involvement in Chad, the military operations and the American response

are critically analysed and illustrated by maps.

         The Libyan ideology and its radical implementation are met with

an equally radical ideology by America and therefore conflict and

collision became a pattern of Libyan-American relations. President

Reagan's radicalism in international relations, such as his policy

towards the Soviets, radical countries and 'terrorism' left Libya alone

facing coercive diplomacy, including the use of military force. American

policy aimed to change the leadership in Libya, or change Qaddafi's

international behaviour. Eventually, a change of Libyan foreign policy

direction began to take shape after Libya's military experience in Chad,

the collapse of the Soviet Union and the Gulf War. The change of

American administration to President Bush reduced the pressure on Libya,

despite the previous Regean administration's row over potential Libyan

chemical weapons capability. This study examines the effects of Reagan's

coercive diplomacy on Libya, its credibility and its legacy. It also

explores the approaches that were taken by his previous administrations

under presidents Nixon, Ford and Carter, and the results of these

approaches on the development of Libyan-American relations. Finally, the

thesis focusses on the outstanding issue in Libyan-American relations:

the Lockerbie affair. The circumstances surrounding the affair, its

implications for Libya, its legal and political aspects, the Libyan

method of dealing with it as well as regional and international

responses are all examined and intellectually debated.

         The ultimate purpose of this thesis is to contribute some

suggestions as to how to amend Libyan-American relations in a way in

which both parties emerge satisfactorily and without losing face; to

bridge the gap in their understanding of each other and provide ground

for each to achieve compromise; and finally to bridge the gap in the

literature and provide a balanced study of Libyan-American relations.